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Archive for the 'The New Republic' Category

What’s the Matter with Conservative Journalism?

The cover story of the New York Times Magazine this weekend is either called “The End of Republican America?” or “A Case of the Blues,” depending on whether you look at the cover (whence the image below right comes) or the online version. The author, Benjamin Wallace-Wells, spent some time with NRCC chairman Tom Cole and catalogues the myriad, perhaps insuperable, challenges facing the House GOP as it tries not simply to win back seats lost in 2006, but stave off yet more losses this cycle.

It’s certainly a legitimate article, if not exactly a groundbreaking one, and I have no particular complaints about it. But I did find myself wondering: Couldn’t they have found a reporter from a conservative background to write this story?

Deflated elephant from New York Times MagazineIn his day job, Wallace-Wells writes for Rolling Stone (as Ben, actually) where the tone of coverage is anything but sympathetic to Republicans. Before that he wrote for the left-leaning Washington Monthly.

So, to answer the question above: Yes, they probably could have. Not that anyone would expect it. Nor does the Times Magazine have a graduate of National Review writing about the Democrats. That’s Matt Bai, and his previous job was — perhaps coincidentally, perhaps not so much — Rolling Stone.

And it’s not just the Times Magazine; there is in fact a dearth of experienced, right-leaning feature reporters who write for mainstream magazines and newspapers. The mastheads of Time and Newsweek are filled with reporters who graduated from left-aligned publications. The New Republic is another example, but the Washington Monthly may have no rival as a journalist factory. Among the many former staffers who populate the list of Contributing Editors, here are just the ones I know currently write for major newspapers or magazines:

    Jonathan Alter, Katherine Boo, Matthew Cooper, Michelle Cottle, James Fallows, Joshua Green, Michael Kinsley, Nicholas Lemann, Jon Meacham, Timothy Noah, Joseph Nocera, David Segal, Walter Shapiro, Amy Sullivan, Nicholas Thompson, Steven Waldman, Wallace-Wells, Robert Worth

That doesn’t even include Joshua Micah Marshall, who has set up a viable and valuable media company of his own. (Full disclosure: I once wrote an article for the Monthly; Sullivan was my editor and made it a much better piece.)

Conservatives grouse that the writers and editors at the national magazines lean left, and there is definitely some truth to that. Not to a man and woman, and this does not mean their reporting follows the Democratic Party line, but it does have consequences on which stories are covered and how they are covered. But I think the lessons learned are wrong, or at best incomplete.

Wikipedia and Conservapedia logosThe reaction is usually to set up an alternative forum which is defined as being explicitly conservative. The problem is that these alternative organizations often operate inside a bubble which their “liberal” counterparts do not. This can be the case beyond journalism as well. On the web we can see this very clearly: The non-partisan but in some ways “liberal” Wikipedia has been answered by the conservative-minded, low-quality Conservapedia.

You could see this in journalism when, last month, new Washington Times editor John Solomon brought the newspaper’s style book closer in line with the standards at every other daily broadsheet in America. Some on the right yelped that this was giving in to the “reigning liberal sensibilities.” But this gets it exactly backwards: instead of “liberal” coming to mean “neutral,” these conservatives are letting “neutral” come to mean “liberal.”

For the record, among the “liberal” sensibilities to which Solomon’s paper succumbed: calling Hillary Clinton “Clinton” rather than the more personal “Hillary” and referring to “illegal immigrants” instead of the antagonistic “illegal aliens.”

The liberal tilt of mainstream newspapers and magazines certainly has something to do with the professional networks within which editors find writers for their stories. But it also has something to do with conservative journalists rarely operating outside their zone of comfort. And especially in magazine articles, they tend to add commentary to existing stories rather than going out and finding new ones.

This is how it works: Liberals get reporting jobs. Conservatives get opinion columns. Look at the Newsweek masthead, liberal Jonathan Alter does indeed have an opinion column, but his full title is Senior Editor and Columnist. George Will is just Columnist. The columnist can make overt arguments the way a reporter cannot, but the columnist’s words are also unmistakably opinions. But decisions that go into how a story is reported are the product of a reporters’ opinions, too. These biases are not always obvious. (And it’s worth noting, there are many other biases besides political outlook in play.)

Conservatives’ railing against the New York Times for being liberal has some salutary effects, and certainly creates some new jobs. A few years ago, Bill Kristol admitted this was “working the refs” (not his phrase). And look: today Kristol himself is a New York Times columnist.

Byron York’s Vast Left Wing ConspiracyUp to a point, there is a structural bias to the newspaper industry. This can be summed up in three words: “Woodward and Bernstein.” Oftentimes journalists look for something that needs to be fixed by the government. Right-minded individuals, to use an intentionally tendentious phrasing, do not clamor to fix every last societal ill. But then, why doesn’t the right of center dominate investigations into the abuse of government powers? Surely this has a lot to do with Republicans holding a lot of government power for a long time. But then Reason magazine, which is certainly right of center on economic issues, is mostly a lifestyle magazine. It’s Slate for libertarians, with a print edition.

One exception that comes to mind is Byron York. He is not the only reporter at National Review, but he is the only one whose articles include a dateline. His 2005 book “The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy” was a detailed look at how the left has set up its own alternative apparatii in response to conservative ones. Nothing against Wallace-Wells, but York too would have been an excellent choice to write a story about the NRCC’s misfortunes.

Which raises a question conservatives should be asking themselves: If the left builds itself a successful activist structure mirroring that of the right (and to a large extent, they already have) while maintaining a soft grip on ostensibly non-aligned political media institutions, what kind of position will the conservative movement be in then?

When one says “conservative journalist,” too often this means “columnist,” not “reporter.” If the right can fix this, they’ve got a chance.

Lee Siegel, Call Your Office. You Too, Mike Godwin

LOL Baseball player, Philadelphia Phaillies, phaillingA friend has tipped me to a controversy in the baseball blogosphere — it goes strong even in the offseason — between long-lasting (or maybe just lasting-long) Philadelphia Daily News sports columnist Bill Conlin and the blogger at Phillies-focused Crashburn Alley. Philadelphia magazine’s Daily Examiner blog explains:

What started out as an innocent you suck/you’re old!-type e-mail pissing contest about Jimmy Rollins’s MVP award suddenly turned ugly when Conlin made the unfortunate decision to write this in one of his e-mail responses: “The only positive thing I can think of about Hitler’s time on earth — I’m sure he would have eliminated all bloggers.”

In context, it’s kind of funny, actually, but once Conlin — already an easy target for the online attack dogs due to his propensity to wear his Old Media badge with pride — started name-dropping Hitler coupled with the word “eliminate” to a blogger who’s already pissed off at him, well, he was asking for a pillorying. Headlines talking about how touchy he was instantly morphed into “Sportswriter Praises Hitler in Attack on Bloggers.” Yikes.

We’ve seen this before, haven’t we? Conlin’s actions are not the same as those of widely-loathed TNR contributor Lee Siegel — the unlucky will remember that Siegel posed as a fan of his own work in the comments of a TNR blog post last September — but it sounds to me like Conlin is guilty of the same kind of contempt for debate on the web that tripped up Siegel.

We might even call this self-destructive contempt Lee Siegelism. Conlin and Siegel, as others before and after, wrongly think that “anything goes” when it comes to the blogosphere, so they procede to do just about anything they see fit and don’t expect to be called on it. Big mistake. Siegel and Colin certainly are far from being newcomers to journalism, but well into their careers, the media has changed. When it comes to this flatter, meritocratic media age, they’re the newbies. And it turns out they’re the ones who need to learn some respect.

P.S. I’m a Nats fan and reader of Ball-Wonk — so the team from Philadelphia will always be the Phaillies to me.

Cold Wind in August

It rained some in the District during August, but it was cold at both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue. Among the Republican politicians and officials announcing resignations or retirements in the past thirty days:

Chuck Hagel could have a similar announcement within weeks. Meanwhile, on the Democratic side, survivor (of John Thune and a kind-of stroke) Tim Johnson alone in the Senate remains a question mark. Heck, Lautenberg sounds like he’ll stick around to beat Strom Thurmond’s record.

Who am I missing?

P.S. That said, I think the editors at TNR Online are going about this all wrong:

John Judis on the 2008 Senate election

Judis’ actual piece is pretty much straight analysis, not at all implausible, and definitely not gloating like the long headline. And what’s with the short headline? Dear Editor, for the analogy to work, isn’t Judis arguing this will be a Blue Dawn? Remember, the Reds were the enemies.

The Libertarian Wallflower

A week has now passed since Brink Lindsey’s so-called “Liberaltarian” essay for The New Republic (also available from Cato, where Lindsey is VP for research) hit the web and became an instant conversation piece around ideo-journalistic Washington.

One can trace the excitement surrounding Lindsey’s essay, and perhaps even the piece itself, to an early June post at Daily Kos, by site founder/show runner Markos Moulitsas. That entry, which he later described as “a throwaway blog post,” drew plenty of snickers from Beltway conservative types, but it certainly wasn’t ignored.

In October, the Cato Institute — typically identified with Republicans far more than Democrats — made Moulitsas’ arguments the centerpiece of the October edition of Cato Unbound. Just before the election, Moulitsas made his pitch for libertarians to pull a lever for the Dems in Reason magazine.

These articles drew plenty more attention, of which Lindsey’s article could be considered the latest entry. One need not buy into the notion of an uneasy left/libertarian fusionism being at all likely to replace the uneasy right/libertarian one to find it interesting — and indeed, for all the kind things said about Lindsey himself this past week, almost everybody’s wallets are staying firmly in pocket.

That’s a lot of pockets, too. Among the libertarians, liberals and conservatives who have weighed in on Lindsey’s essay:

Of course, not everyone who might be expected to comment has done so. Among those who have not weighed in since Lindsey’s article went up:

It’s not that he’s been away from the site. In fact, he’s posted 55 times (at the time of this writing) and on a wide array of topics, from the inevitability of Obama to general site maintenance. I realize that the pat response to these questions is “don’t complain about the free ice cream.” But I’m curious as to why Moulitsas has abruptly disengaged from the debate.

The cynical view would be that with the election now in the past and Democrats victorious, there is no longer any need to reach out to potential new voters. The slightly less cynical view, and the one I endorse, is that Moulitsas was using the term “libertarian” too loosely in the first place. Go back to his seminal post, and notice that he literally begins by seeking to describe why he likes rugged, outdoorsy, sometimes Mountain West politicians such as Senator-elect Jon Tester — and it goes on to deliberately ignore the profound differences between liberal and libertarian philosophies of government. Altogether, it sounds less like argument born of principles, and more like searching for a coherent way to describe his favored candidates.

Moulitsas’ influence currently runs strongly to matters campaign-related, but the interest surrounding his “Libertarian Democrat” post suggests that people are willing to give him a shot as an actual thinker as well. Alas, now that the liberaltarian concept has “crashed the gates” (if you will) it would seem he doesn’t have much more to add. (He announced in the June post that his “next book” will be about the libertarian Democrat. Is that still a go?) Unless he has the conviction to defend his arguments in the public ’sphere — or a whole lot more “throwaway” ideas — he may again find himself relegated to being just what he says he doesn’t want to be: An ATM for Democratic campaigns.

P.S. Does anybody else remember that at one time, Brink Lindsey was a blogger? His former site remains where it always was, the blogroll still a who’s who of the early right-libertarian blogosphere. His his final post in mid-2003 should be considered a classic of the genre. Excerpted:

I’ve lost the will to blog. Actually, I lost it some time ago, but I’ve been trudging along in hopes that I would find new inspiration. I haven’t. So enough. I’m hanging it up for a while. I plan to take the summer off — at least. Maybe I’ll come back in the fall, maybe I won’t.

I’ve argued before that one need not actually be a blogger to be a part of the blogosphere, and three years later, Lindsey’s currency reinforces that.

How Can There Be So Little Interest In Government? (Some Questions Answer Themselves)

In an online-only article Friday, TNR assistant editor Marisa Katz sought to explain the low turnout (35%) in the contested Democratic mayoral primary in DC. Although she almost puts forth a plausible enough argument (more than once), the piece gets tangled up in its own arguments and fails to make its point, whatever that’s supposed to be. The most glaring problem is a simple misrepresentation, and one that should be readily apparent to any District resident circa fall 2002:

Turnout in the primary — a “watershed” contest to replace outgoing two-term Mayor Anthony Williams — was a measly 35 percent among registered Democrats in this almost exclusively Democratic city. That pales in comparison with the most recent significant mayoral elections in Philadelphia and Baltimore, which both saw turnout well into the 40s. More embarrassing, it’s only a couple points higher than in 2002, when Williams’s reelection was so secure that he ran as a write-in candidate.

Katz’s telling creates an image of Williams as political Houdini: And for my next trick, I’ll seek re-election with one hand tied behind my back! The Post seems to have moved its 2002 primary coverage offline, but the DC Watch website accurately names the reason for Williams’ write-in candidacy as “insufficient signatures on petition,” and Wikipedia’s entry on Williams gives a fuller story:

In the 2002 primary, the mayor needed to collect signatures from voters to get his name on the ballot. The firm that he hired to do this had some irregularities with the names on petitions. Examples of faulty signatures on his petitions included Tony Blair, Billy Joel, and Robin Hood. As a result of the dodgy petitions, Williams was fined $277,700 by the District of Columbia Board of Elections and Ethics and was kicked off the ballot, forcing him to run as a write-in candidate.

That sentence would have never made it past the copy desk at the Washington City Paper. Maybe we could consider this another example of DC political types not paying attention to city politics. That being the thing she’s trying to diagnose here, as will become apparent:

I’m not so sure the turnout was all that low, at least going on her examples. She compares DC’s turnout unfavorably with Philly and Baltimore, but she doesn’t identify whether she means the primary or general election of each. The 2003 Philly mayor’s race was hotly contested up to November, but if that contest — featuring physical violence and wiretapping — only pulled in forty-something percent of the electorate, maybe 35% isn’t all that low.

Sure, the 2006 primary turnout was on the low end — but as Henny Youngman would say, “Compared to what?” [Note: Out of the District, Philly and Baltimore, the only primary turnout by registration figures I could find were from the District.]

The article has other problems besides:

Anthony Downs would say [a pollster friend who hadn’t been following the mayor’s race] was just being rational. In his 1957 essay, An Economic Theory of Political Action in a Democracy, Downs argued that voters want to support candidates who, if elected, give them the greatest utility. But, because it can take a lot of time to divine the distinctions between candidates (and because, even if a voter picks “correctly,” the potential benefits are uncertain and probably small), it makes sense for a voter to remain fairly uniformed [sic]. Presumably the theory applies to political strategists just as well as it does to those who have never given any thought to how to engage an undecided voter.

Economists might say her friend was being rational, all right, but they would be more specific: She displayed what’s called “rational ignorance.” Ms. Katz is right to credit Mr. Downs with the theory, but I’m afraid her explanation — especially with the misplaced emphasis on the concept of utility — doesn’t do it justice. More economics-related language follows:

I’m also a believer in the division of political labor. There are a lot of legitimate political issues out there — some local and some national — and not even the most politically active person can worry about them all. Nor, in a healthy body politic, should they have to. Some people can work to bring attention to the threat of nuclear terrorism while others advocate on behalf of affordable health care. Some people may be hard-pressed to name their member of Congress, but they may have the date of every neighborhood meeting marked on the calendar.

What, do political consultants not care how their children’s schools are run? Or how their tax dollars are used to build the new baseball stadium? Actually, Katz had already dismissed the notion that the low turnout was attributable to political professionals:

Why does the most political city in the country seem to care so little about the right to vote? Of course, not everyone in this town is in politics. And the negative side of the city’s recent and ongoing gentrification has no doubt encouraged disaffection among some residents. Still, the federal government is the region’s largest employer. According to census data, one out of four workers in the city work for government at some level. And that figure doesn’t capture the lobbyists, analysts, and reporters who make a living out of government watching and influencing. How can there be so little interest in government?

There’s almost too many stupid ideas here to address them all: First of all, would gentrification (ooh! scary!) turn people off politics? If it’s the bogeyman Katz implies, shouldn’t that rile up the local activists? More importantly, if the transient professionals and privately-employed political strategists are leaving the nitty gritty of local politics to the civil servants who make up the vast majority of federal employees, who do the government employees leave it up to? Actually, based on the condition of the roads around here, the answer would seem to be no one.

So I’m not trying to claim DC is anybody’s idea of a participatory democracy, but when she asks “How can there be so little interest in government?” there are several answers she doesn’t consider:

  • The government isn’t very interesting (the differences between mayor-in-waiting Adrian Fenty and his closest rival, Linda Cropp, were more about style than substance).
  • Assuming they’re numerous enough to matter, perhaps the political professionals get enough politics at work.
  • Perhaps the locals are turned off because they don’t have full federal representation (a possibility she sets up, but never develops).
  • And we could answer with another question: Why doesn’t the same question apply to other cities — like, say, Philly and Balmer?

Editor, please! Ah, they’re probably too busy blogging.